Proposed Amendments to the RTI Act 2005

Dear Friends,

As you are aware, the UPA government is proposing to amend the RTI Act। An article in the Times of India dated 19 June: (http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/Proposal-to-exempt-file-notings-may-leave-RTI-toothless/srticleshow/4673325.cms) outlines some of the provisions that could possibly be amended, which correspond with those discussed in our recent notes on the same. We outline them again below:

A) Proposed amendments to exempt file notings:

File notings exempt: If the amendment goes through, file notings will be exempt from disclosure under the RTI Act, apart from those dealing with social and development issues. This means that all file notings that do not relate to social and development issues will be exempt from disclosure.

Granting anonymity to officers: Regarding those file notings which can be accessed, another proposed an amendment will grant anonymity to officers who made them. This means that citizens will no longer have the right to know the names and designation of the officials who gave their opinions or advice on any matter considered by the government, even after the decision is taken.

No access to decision-making process: Another amendment will block any information, legal advice or observation relating to a policy or executive decision which is under consideration. This amendment will deprive citizens’ access to information regarding any decision-making process before a formal decision is made.
What is wrong with these amendments?
a) The RTI Act enables citizens to exercise their fundamental right to access information held by public authorities. RTI is subject to exemptions mentioned in Section 8 of the Act which are by and large in conformity with the list of reasonable restrictions mentioned in the Constitution. By severely limiting access to file notings, the Government will impose an unreasonable restriction on the citizens’ fundamental right to information. In effect the Government is asking Parliament to violate the caveat provided in Article 13(2) of the Constitution that no law will be passed by Parliament or State legislatures that will take away or abridge fundamental rights in any manner.
b) These amendments will deliver a severe blow to the very objective of the RTI Act namely, “to hold Governments and their instrumentalities accountable to the governed.” Accountability is a key attribute of good governance recognised the world over. It is not adequate for the purpose of entrenching accountability to provide access only to the final decisions of a public authority. People have a right to know the details of the decision-making process including the concurring and dissenting opinions expressed by all officers involved. Transparency in the decision-making process ensures that officials record on files only opinions and recommendations that have a basis in law and established norms and legitimate procedures.
c) It is well known that considerable discretionary powers are vested in the hands of the executive to carry on day-to-day admin istration. Restrictions on access to file notings and the granting of anonymity to the officers who made them will only encourage unscrupulous and corrupt elements in the admin istration to act with impunity. Transparency on the other hand will ensure that all officers will give their opinions and act in a responsible manner as they will be subject to public scrutiny.
d) The Government claims that the proposed amendments will allow access to file notings on development and social issues. However in the absence of clear definitions of such terms, these amendments will only increase the discretionary power of officers to deny access to file notings on a majority of issues.

B) Proposed amendment to restrict access to cabinet documents:

Currently citizens have a right to access not only decisions of the Council of Ministers after they are made and the matter is complete, but also the reasons behind the decision and the materials that formed the basis for that decision. Access to Cabinet papers is denied under Section 8(1)(i) of the Act only so long as the decision is pending. The proposed amendment restricts access to cabinet documents, taking away the citizens’ right to access the material which forms the basis of a decision of the Council of Ministers. People will be deprived of the right to know what kinds of materials were considered by the officers suggesting a course of action on any matter that requires cabinet approval.
What is wrong with this amendment?
The proposed amendment imposes unreasonable restrictions on the citizens’ right to access papers relating to the decisions taken by the Council of Ministers. People have a right to know the final decisions of the Council of Ministers and what is contained in the materials that officials have considered when making a decision. High standards of transparency should apply equally at all levels of decision-making from the lowest to the highest tier.

C) Proposed amendment to restrict access to exam-related information:

Another proposed amendment restricts access to exam-related information that may adversely affect the objectivity or fairness of recruitment, examination and evaluation processes.
What is wrong with this amendment?
The RTI Act does not currently exempt access to information the disclosure of which may adversely affect the objectivity and fairness of examinations, recruitment and promotion processes conducted by a public authority. Secrecy in examination and selection processes allows bad decisions, favouritism and even nepotism to go unchecked, because examiners and assessors are never required to publicly justify their decisions.

D) Proposed amendment to hike fees:

This amendment has been suggested to discourage chronic and motivated information seekers. The suggestion is to increase the current fee of Rs. 10 and make citizens pay the actual salary of the officers working on RTI in addition to the costs of photocopying or otherwise accessing the information sought. It appears that this proposal is based on a recommendation by the Administrative Reforms Commission to deal with vexatious and frivolous requests or where voluminous information is sought.

What is wrong with this amendment?

a) When access to documents (other than of A-4/A-3 size) or materials is sought, the only costs currently incurred by the requestor are the costs relating to the reproduction of the information or the supply of sample materials. It is clear from the current RTI rules that there is no empowering provision to require requestors to pay costs relating to the wages of officers, search compilation or other related activities. There is also no provision in Section 27(2) of the RTI Act for making rules that will enable a PIO or any other authority to charge the requestor for wages of officers.

b) India is a country in which more than 80% of citizens survives on less than US$2 per day. Increasing the application fee or making citizens pay for wages of officers working on RTI will only act as a severe disincentive for people who would otherwise have used the Act to access information. The amendment, if passed, will also be exploited by PIOs and other authorities under the Act in order to discourage people from seeking the disclosure of information relating to wrongdoing or instances of corruption. The primary objectives set out in the Preamble of the RTI Act – to create an informed citizenry, contain corruption and enable people to hold government and its instrumentalities accountable – will be defeated if this amendment goes through. The general rule-making power cannot be used to impose unreasonable burdens or create any disincentives for requestors.

How to save INDIA from corruption by using RTI Act?

How to save INDIA from corruption by using RTI Act?

In this article we have talked about the RTI (Right to Information) act. This act, has given the people, the power to CHANGE the country. The RTI act has made the inner working of the Govt. transparent! If YOU, the average citizen learns to use this act, YOU can change the country.

In this article, we have told you everything that you need to know about the RTI Act, how you can use it, how it affects you etc! Even if you know nothing about “politics” or “laws” do not worry. This article is written in a very simple and easy to understand way keeping the lay man in mind.
If you think that the RTI Act does not affect you, "YOU ARE WRONG!"
If you are a citizen of Indian, the RTI Act has given you a lot of power that you can and must use. For example, next time you ask for a “phone line” or a “water connection”, if you use the RTI Act, you can get your work done quickly. You will not have to make 15 trips to the Govt. offices and bribe and beg the officials to get your work done. RTI has changed all that. Though this article we will show you how to use RTI, to get your work done!
Are the roads outside your house terrible, RTI will help you solve the problem. Is there a problem of un-hygiene in your area, RTI will help you solve your problem.
If you are young and cannot appreciate all the above points, then believe us that sooner or later you will have to go and get some of your work done though Govt. offices. When you do, you will appreciate the power RTI. But, by then it will be too late. Why? Because there is talk about RTI being changed so that the power is taken away from the people. In this article we have showed you how you can fight this and support RTI.
Basically, if you are an Indian, YOU MUST read this! Not only that, do tell as many people as you can to also read this. Do this for your country!
Now, in the next section we shall try to understand what the RTI Act is all about...
Khoj K. Badami

http://www.indiahowto.com/

National RTI Awards 2009

National RTI Awards 2009

Public Cause Research Foundation invites nominations for the first ever National RTI Awards 2009. Instituted this year, these awards will be given away sometime in October every year to those who have displayed exemplary commitment to RTI.

Despite the power of Right to Information (RTI) to transform Indian democracy, the Act faces stiff opposition from many sections of the government, particularly the bureaucracy. For example many Officers are not performing satisfactorily. Some Information Commissioners, who are the final adjudicating authority under the Act, are perceived to be sympathetic to bureaucrats. But there are many among the bureaucrats who are committed to transparency and honesty. They go over and beyond the call of duty to implement the RTI Act in letter and spirit.

Our intent is to honour and recognize the best among these officers and commissioners. We hope that by recognizing their contribution, they can serve as role models for the bureaucratic community as a whole and encourage others to follow in their footsteps and strive to emulate their achievements. The awards will also serve as an opportunity to gather valuable data about the performance of a large number of PIOs and Information Commissioners across the country. This data can go a long way in identifying shortcomings in the current system of RTI and suggesting possible reforms.

In all, there are five awards instituted in three categories. One award would be given to the most outstanding Information Commissioner who enabled access to correct and complete information to maximum number of appellants and enforced RTI Act in its true letter and spirit. Two awards would be given to those Public Information Officers who provided complete and correct information in maximum number of RTI applications within the prescribed time limit. Two awards will be given to such citizens who created maximum public impact by using RTI Act.

Each award carries a citation, a plaque and prize money of Rs. 2 Lakhs. Apart from the awards, at least a dozen citations would be given away to the Information Commissioners, Public Information Officers and Citizens.

The awards boast of a jury comprising of very eminent personalities - Aamir Khan, Actor and Film Maker; Fali S Nariman, Constitution expert and senior advocate; J M Lyngdoh, Former Chief Election Commissioner of India; Madhu Trehan, Author and media personality; Mallika Sarabhai, Kuchipudi and Bharatnatyam dancer and social activist; N R Narayana Murthy, Chief Mentor Infosys; Dr Prannoy Roy, Chairman, NDTV; Pullela Gopichand, Ace Badminton player and National Badminton coach; Sanjay Gupta, Editor and CEO, Dainik Jagran Group; Santosh, RTI grassroots activist; Justice J S Verma, Former Chief Justice of Supreme Court and Chairperson, National Human Rights Commission.

All Information Commissioners in the country are automatic nominees and they needn’t apply. However, nominations are being invited from Public Information Officers and citizens. They can either apply themselves or someone else can nominate them. One could apply online at www.rtiawards.org or could obtain forms for application from National RTI Awards Secretariat and apply by post.

Last date for filing nominations is 30th June 2009.

For any clarifications, please contact Swati at 9868599427.

Dear friends,
I am writing to once again alert you to an important development involving interpretation of a crucial section of the RTI Act.
You may recollect that the Central Information Commission had issued a public notice in November 2008 inviting submissions from people on the scope and ambit of section 7(3) of the RTI Act. That notice may be accessed at: http://cic.gov. in/ PublicNotices/ NoticeForHearing- 27102008- A. pdf.
CHRI and a few other parties had submitted their views on how this important section relating to additional fees must be interpreted. The matter related to a second appeal pending before the CIC involving the Institute of Company Secretaries (ICS). CHRI's submission is attached to this email. ICS argued that 7(3) allows the PIO to charge wages of officers, search fees, collation and compilation costs and other similar costs on the applicant. We have strongly opposed this view. A full bench comprising the Chief Information Commissioner Mr. Wajahat Habibullah, Information Commissioner, Prof. M A Ansari and Information Commissioner Satyananda Mishra heard the case on 24th February, 2009. Two civil society representatives - Shri Sarbajit Roy and Shri Rakesh Gupta were present in addition to CHRI representatives. There was nobody from any of the public authorities except ICS. CHRI and other civil society resentatives argued that there was no scope in 7(3) for forcing the applicant to pay all kinds of fees conceivable under the sun. At the end of the hearing the bench informed us that the decision in this case has been reserved. We have been waiting for the CIC's decision since then.
3 weeks ago, I received by post a notice for another full bench hearing in the same matter scheduled for 8th June 2009. The text of the notice sent to 19 public authorities is copied below. The list of people who have been invited to make submissions and attend this hearing are all heads of Ministries and PSUs such as Ministry of Personnel, Ministry of Law, Ministry of Company Affairs, Ministry of Public Enterprises, Chairmen or CMD of the following PSUs: BHEL, BPCL, BSNL, FCI, GAIL, General Insurance Corporation Ltd., IOCL, MTNL, MMTC, National Insurance Corpn. Ltd., NTPC, ONGC, State Trading Corpn. and SAIL. The notice has been copied to me and Shri Roy who had made submissions earlier. We have not been asked to submit our views again. From the cc. list it appears that Information Commissioner Shailesh Gandhi has replaced Information Commissioner Satyananda Mishra on the bench. A few days ago this notice has been uploaded on the CIC website at: http://cic.gov.in/PublicNotices /NoticeForHearin g-08062009. pdf Strangely my name and Sarbajit Roy's name have been deleted from the cc list. The notice does not invite suggestions from citizens other than the above officers.
The following questions are bothering me:
1) Why should a new bench be constituted to rehear the matter after the decision has been reserved by a previous bench especially when all members continue to serve on the CIC? It is understandable if the bench had been reconstituted due to the retirement or resignation of a member. However that is not the case here.
2) Why have only a handful of Ministries and PSUs been targeted with this notice?
3) Why does this notice not say that members of the public can also make submissions to the CIC in this matter?
I would urge all friends to circulate this email within their networks। Please ensure that you and your friends send a large number of submissions to the CIC. Please tell the CIC that the PIO cannot charge wages, search, collation, compilation at one's whim and fancy under section 7(3). There is no power for doing so under the RTI Act. You are welcome to use CHRI's submission for formulating your own arguments. Our submission is copied below. Please send your submissions to the CIC at the address given below. If you will be in Delhi or can make a trip to Delhi on the date of the hearing: 8th June 2009 at 4.30 pm at August Kranti Bhavan, please do attend the hearing and oppose any move to empower the PIO to charge exorbitant fees for giving information. If you cannot attend please send your submission to the CIC. If you are too busy to attend the hearing in person please send the response suggested below by email or post.

Suggested Response to be sent by Email/Post

To,
The Registrar,
Central Information Commission
2nd Floor, 'B' Wing
August Kranti Bhawan
New Delhi- 110 066
email: pkp.shreyaskar@ nic.in

Date:
Dear sir,
We have learnt from our network partners in Delhi that the Central Information Commission is rehearing the matter regards the scope and ambit of section 7(3) of the RTI Act. We believe that this section should not be misused to collect wages, search and compilation or other similar kinds of fees from RTI applicants. The PIO does not have the power to charge such kinds of fees under the RTI Act. We have enclosed our detailed arguments about the scope and ambit of section 7(3) of the RTI Act. We urge you and other Information Commissioners on the bench to take these arguments into consideration while deciding this matter. We urge you not to interpret section 7(3) in a manner that is violative of the letter and spirit of the RTI Act.
with best wishes,
sincerely,

Signature of the sender



Text of CHRI's submission to the CIC:
Ambit and Scope of Section 7(3)
of
The Right to Info rmation Act, 2005
Relating to Further Fee

Introduction
The Central Information Commission (CIC) has issued a public notice on 27 October, 2008 seeking people’s views on a matter relating to the issue of further fee payable under the Right to Info rmation Act (RTI Act/principal Act). The text of the public notice is reproduced below:

“WHEREAS, in the aforesaid appeal case [Shri K K Kishore v Institute of Company Secretaries of India – (CIC/MA/A/2008/ 01085)], an important question has arisen as regards the ambit and scope of Section 7(3) of the Right to Information Act, 2005 which deals with charging of further fee to be determined by the CPIO;
2. AND WHEREAS, it has been decided that a Full Bench of the Commission shall hear the aforesaid case involving the above issue.
3. NOTICE is, therefore, given to the general public and to the interested organizations that they may, if they so desire, file written submissions so as to reach the Commission by 2nd December, 2008
4. The Commission is likely to hear the matter in the second week of December, 2008.”

The absence of a uniform interpretation of this provision in the decisions of the Central Information Commission has caused confusion in the minds of information requestors about the kind of fees they are legitimately required to pay while using the Act for accessing information. There is no uniformity of interpretation in the decisions of State Information Commissions either. CHRI congratulates the CIC for electing to consult people in order to formulate a common position on such an important matter.

1. The Scheme of Section 7

1.1 Understanding the scheme of the arrangement of sub-sections and clauses under section 7 is crucial to the interpretation of the provision relating to further fee (also popularly known as additional fee in civil society circles). The margin note to section 7 indicates that it contains provisions for ‘disposal of the request’. The term ‘disposal’ in common parlance is understood as a process of making a decision on a matter that is under consideration. It is not merely a single act but a chain of several actions constituting a process, at the end of which, a definite outcome is both required and expected. The step by step procedure to be followed by the public information officer (PIO) for making a decision on an information request, received under the preceding section (6) of the Act, is described in outline in the whole of section 7.

1.2 Sub-section (1) provides a summary recital of the action to be taken for disposing a request and links it to a time limit. The exception to this time limit is provided in the proviso.[1] The recital summarises the two courses of action open to the PIO while making a decision on the information request –
a) he/she may provide access to information on payment of such fee as may be prescribed or
b) he/she may reject the request for any of the reasons specified in sections 8 and 9.[2]

Both courses of action must be completed in thirty days unless the circumstance envisaged under the proviso requires to be taken into account. This provision is subject to two more conditions both of which have to do with time limits namely, applications forwarded by the Assistant PIO under section 5(2) or transferred by another public authority under section 6(3).1

1.3 Sub-section (2) continues on the topic of time limit and explains the consequence of not adhering to the limit stipulated in sub-section (1).

1.4 Subsection (1) therefore may be said to contain a reference to the parameters that must characterise the ‘disposal process’. Only the detailing of the parameter of ‘time limit’ is provided in this sub-section and in sub-section (2). The details of other parameters that characterise the disposal procedure are dealt with in subsequent sub-sections. It is important to take note of the fact that the parameter of ‘time limit’ – the first to be mentioned in the recital contained in sub-section (1) – is also the first to be dealt with while providing procedural details. Similarly, the option of providing information on payment of fee precedes the option of rejection in this summary recital. Indeed this is the scheme followed in the subsequent provisions where procedural details are described for both courses of action.

1.5 Sub-section (3) contains the details of procedure to be observed where a decision has been taken to provide access to information on payment of further fee.[3]

1.6 Sub-section (4) deals with the duty of the PIO to provide assistance to requestors who may suffer from sensory disability to enable their access to information. This is also in keeping with the scheme outlined in sub-section (1) as it is a part and parcel of the process of providing access to the requested information. If information cannot be read, seen, heard sensed or understood by a person with disabilities mere handing over of the information to the requestor does not amount to providing ‘access’ to information or ensuring the enjoyment of the right to information as required under section 3 of the Act.

1.6 Sub-section (5) indicates how access to printed or electronic information may be provided. Fees are required to be prescribed for providing access to such information. This sub-section contains a proviso which marks the fee mentioned in the main clause, the application fee [section 6(1)] and the fee mentioned in section 7(1), required to be prescribed under the Act, with the characteristic of reasonableness. Furthermore all such fees are required to be waived for people who are below the poverty line. Additional facets of the second parameter are discussed in this sub-section.

1.7 Sub-section (6) provides a remedy for a requestor who is not given access to information within the stipulated time limit. The remedy is linked to the second parameter namely, fees – the requestor has a right to obtain the information free of cost if the PIO fails to meet the stipulated deadline. There is no further reference to the second parameter in subsequent sub-sections.

1.8 Sub-section (7) pegs a caveat in the disposal process where third party interests may be involved. Again this is part of the first procedure, namely providing access to the request. Section 11(1) clearly states that third party procedure may be invoked only if two conditions are satisfied:
a) the PIO should be intending to disclose the information. In other words none of the grounds for rejection of a request mentioned in sections 8 and 9 can be invoked and
b) the information should relate to or should have been supplied by a third party and that third party should have treated such information as being confidential.

1.9 Sub-section (8) describes the second course of action available to the PIO. If the requested information attracts any of the exemptions mentioned in section 8 or 9 the PIO may reject the request.[4]

1.10 Sub-section (9) relates to the first option, namely, providing access to information. However it does not describe any procedure. It lays down an important principle that is intended to guide the PIO. Ordinarily the requestor has a right to receive information in the form in which he/she has sought, namely, photocopies, CDs and floppies or inspection etc. However two caveats are linked to this principle – i) the resources of the organisation should not be disproportionately diverted or ii) no detriment should be caused to the safety or preservation of the record.

This is the narrative scheme of section 7 as enacted by Parliament.


2. Understanding section 7(3)

2.1 The text of section 7(3) is reproduced in full below:

“(3) Where a decision is taken to provide the information on payment of any further fee representing the cost of providing the information, the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall send an intimation to the person making the request, giving—
(a) the details of further fees representing the cost of providing the information as determined by him, together with the calculations made to arrive at the amount in accordance with fee prescribed under sub-section (1), requesting him to deposit that fees, and the period intervening between the despatch of the said intimation and payment of fees shall be excluded for the purpose of calculating the period of thirty days referred to in that sub-section;
(b) information concerning his or her right with respect to review the decision as to the amount of fees charged or the form of access provided, including the particulars of the appellate authority, time limit, process and any other forms. ”

2.2 Meaning of ‘further fee’: The PIO is required to send a written intimation to the requestor if a decision is taken to provide the information on payment of further fee. As the noun ‘fee’ is qualified by the adjective ‘further’, a determination must be made as to what is this fee further to. The obvious reference is to the fee that is required to be collected prior to the initiation of this procedure. The only fee whose procedural details are given in the Act prior to this reference is the application fee. The fee mentioned in section 7(3) is ‘further’ to the application fee mentioned in section 6(1). The phrase ‘payment of such fee as may be prescribed’ found in section 7(1) cannot be construed as a category of fee that has an existence independent of the ‘further fee’ mentioned in section 7(3). They are one and the same.

2.3 How should the ‘further fee’ be determined?: Section 7(3) lays down an important principle for determining ‘further fee’. It should ‘represent the cost of providing the information’. The Act does not provide any guidance as to what elements should be included in this cost. This responsibility is vested with the appropriate government; in the instant case – the Government of India, in the context of rule-making powers under section 27 (2).

2.4 Clauses (a) and (b) of section 7(3) explain how information about further fee shall be communicated to the requestor. The fee intimation must contain four parts:
Ø details of further fees representing the cost of providing the information as determined by him/her;
Ø calculations made to arrive at the amount in accordance with fee prescribed under sub-section (1);
Ø request to deposit the fees and
Ø information concerning the right of the requestor to seek review of the PIO’s decision regards the amount of fees charged or the form of access provided, the contact details of the appellate authority before whom a request for fee review may be submitted, the time limit, process and any other forms.[5]

2.5 A cursory reading of the first two parts mentioned above may give the impression that these elements represent two different kinds of fees that a PIO may require the requestor to pay. Such a cursory reading may also give the impression that the fees mentioned in the first part must be determined by the PIO (using his/her discretion) while the amount mentioned in the second part is to be calculated in accordance with the fee prescribed under sub-section (1). This is an erroneous interpretation based on a cursory reading of these provisions. An in-depth exploration of the phrasing is necessary to show that this is an untenable position.

2.6 The term ‘fee‘ is mentioned in the singular in sub-section (1) and in the opening portion of clause (a) of sub-section 3. In clause (a) the term ‘fees’ is mentioned in the plural at three places and in the singular at one place. The use of the singular occurs again with reference to sub-section (1). The use of the plural occurs always in relation to the actions of the PIO. The Act does not restrict itself to the possibility of a requestor seeking from the PIO access to information in one form only. A requestor may seek multiple forms of access such as inspection of some records, photocopies or certified copies of others and certified samples of materials used – all in relation to one subject matter. For example, a citizen may make a request for inspection of all bills and vouchers submitted to a public works department office in relation to the construction of a road, seek a photocopy of the contract awarded to the private agency undertaking the construction work, a certified copy of the work order and certified samples of materials used in the course of the construction. The PIO is required to determine how much fee is required to be paid by the requestor further to the application fee. He is required to provide ‘details’ of the fee chargeable for providing access in each form requested. Hence the use of the plural for the term ‘fee’ in the case of the actions of the PIO.

2.7 The reference to ‘calculations’ in clause (a) is indicative of the arithmetic that a PIO is required to work out for arriving at the details of ‘further fee’ which the requestor will be informed to pay for obtaining the information. The Act does not intend for this arithmetic to be worked out on the basis of the whim and fancy of the PIO or any officer within the public authority or any other authority under this Act. The arithmetic must be based on the fee prescribed by the appropriate government – the Government of India in the instant case. All that the PIO is required to do is to make a determination of the total amount of fees payable based on the rules and inform the requestor of its details and the calculations that form the basis for arriving at such a determination.

2.8 The foregoing discussion clearly demonstrates that there is no confusion in the Act in regards to fees intended to be charged for providing access to information. The PIO does not have any discretion to make a determination of fees outside the purview of the rules prescribed by the appropriate government – the Government of India in the instant case.

3. Understanding the rule-making power in relation to fees payable under the Act

3.1 Section 27 of the RTI Act empowers the appropriate government – the Government of India in the instant case to notify rules for giving effect to its provisions. Sub-section (1) provides for a general rule making power to carry out any of the provisions of the Act. Sub-section (2) is more specific. The text of the provision is reproduced below:
“(2) In particular, and without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing power, such rules may provide for all or any of the following matters, namely:—
(a) the cost of the medium or print cost price of the materials to be disseminated under sub-section (4) of section 4;
(b) the fee payable under sub-section (1) of section 6;
(c) the fee payable under sub-sections (1) and (5) of section 7;
(d) the salaries and allowances payable to and the terms and conditions of service of the officers and other employees under sub-section (6) of section 13 and sub-section (6) of section 16;
(e) the procedure to be adopted by the Central Information Commission or State Information Commission, as the case may be, in deciding the appeals under sub-section (10) of section 19; and
(f) any other matter which is required to be, or may be, prescribed.”[6]

3.2 An in-depth reading of the foregoing provision makes it clear that only three categories of fees are contemplated under the RTI Act. The first is the application fee mentioned in section 27(2)(b) which is to read with section 6(1) mentioned earlier in the Act. The second is the fee payable under section 7(1) referred to as ‘further fee’ subsequently. The third category relates to fees payable for obtaining information in printed and electronic form mentioned in section 7(5). Section 27(2) does not recognise any other fees under the RTI Act. This entire provision is in tune with the scheme of section 7 explained above.


4. Whether wages of officers, search, compilation and other related costs can be realised from the requestor?

4.1 The Right to Information (Regulation of Fee and Cost Rules), 2005 (RTI-RFCR) were notified by the Government of India on 16th September 2005. According to information available in the public domain, only two amendments were incorporated in the RTI-RFCR pertaining to inspection fees and the inclusion of IPOs as a mode of fee payment. No further amendment appears to have been made till date. The RTI-RFCR also does not contain any reference to a separate category of fees payable under section 7(3) of the principal Act. The fee and cost related provisions are reproduced below:
“4. For providing information under sub-section (1) of section , the fee shall be charged by way of cash against proper receipt or by demand draft or bankers cheque payable to the Accounts Officer of the public authority at the following rates:-
(a) rupees two for each page (in A-4 or A-3 size paper) created or copied;
(b) actual charge or cost price of a copy in larger size paper;
(c) actual cost or price for samples or models; and
(d) for inspection of records, no fee for the first hour; and a fee of rupees five for each fifteen minutes (or fraction thereof) thereafter.”[7]

4.2 When access to documents (other than of A-4/A-3 size) or materials is sought, the only costs realisable from the requestor are costs of reproduction of the information or cost of supply of samples of materials. It is clear from the provisions of the RTI-RFCR that it does not contain any empowering provision for the realisation of costs relating to the wages of officers, search compilation and other related activities.

4.3 The contention: “the absence of a specific reference to section 7(3) in the rule making provisions of the Act and consequently in the RTI-RFCR implies that the PIO/public authority or any authority under this Act can charge any cost on the requestor at will, provided calculations are disclosed as justification” is a figment of imagination, having no basis in law. To act on the basis of such a contention is tantamount to arrogating to oneself powers that Parliament never intended to vest in any person or authority in the first place. To impose such an interpretation on any requestor is tantamount to showing utter disregard for his/her right to seek and obtain information which has been given shape by Parliament, the supreme-lawmaking body in India .


5. Whether Rules can be made for charging on the requestor, wages of officers, search, compilation and other such costs related to providing information?

5.1 There is no provision in section 27(2) of the principal Act for making rules that will enable a PIO or any other authority to charge the requestor for wages, search, compilation and other related costs. However it may be contended that general powers exist under section 27(1) of the principal Act for making such rules. This is also not a tenable position because the rule-making power can be used only to ‘carry out’ the provisions of the Act, not defeat or frustrate the intention behind its provisions. While making rules, the appropriate government – the Government of India in the instant case is required to pay attention to the caveat contained in section 7(5) of the principal Act namely: ‘fee prescribed must be reasonable’.

5.2 India is a country in which more than 80% citizens survives on less than US$ 2 per day. Charging a requestor for wages, search and compilation costs will only act as a disincentive for people who would otherwise have used the Act for accessing information. In effect this will also be used by PIOs and other authorities under the Act to discourage people from seeking disclosure of information relating to wrongdoing or instances of corruption. The primary objectives behind the enactment of this law mentioned in its preamble namely: creating an informed citizenry, containing corruption and enabling people to hold government and its instrumentalities accountable for their actions, would be defeated. Therefore the general rule-making power cannot be used to impose unreasonable burden upon or create any disincentives for requestors.

5.3 In the ultimate analysis it must be pointed out that the costs on account of time spent by officers for searching and compiling information are not borne by them from their pockets. The costs will have to be paid from the taxes that citizens contribute to the public exchequer. Charging such costs on the requestor would amount to doubly burdening the taxpayer which is not what Parliament had intended while enacting this seminal legislation.

6. What options are available to reduce the burden on the public authority where excessive time and resources are required to be spent on providing information to the requestor?

6.1 It is commonplace to quote from section 7(9) and section 7(3)(b) as options available for ensuring that the resources of a public authority are not excessively burdened while providing information in the form or to the extent requested by the citizen. However a more practical solution exists in section 4(1)(a) to tackle this problem.

6.2 Section 4(1)(a) requires every public authority to index, catalogue and maintain its records in a form that makes them easily accessible. Additionally this provision requires every public authority to computerise all records within a reasonable time and connect them through a network all over the country. If this provision were to be implemented in a time-bound manner, access to the records and documents in every public authority would be considerably easier. Time and resources spent by officers to deal with information requests would also come down significantly. This provision has not been taken seriously by many public authorities. This is a major reason why providing access to information is perceived to be an expensive exercise. If a public authority has not created such convenient systems despite the Government’s conscious policy of evolving offices from paper-heavy to less-paper or paper-less status it is only indicative of the lack of foresight on the part of the highest decision-making officers within that public authority.

6.3 Rather than look for ways of creating disincentives for citizens who wish to access information, more attention needs to be paid to set the house of public authorities in digital order. Information and communications technology which India takes pride in developing must be harnessed to serve people’s right to information. The sole purpose behind the existence of any public authority in India is to serve the public interest, not undermine it.


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[1] As the time limit is not a subject for this consultation, we will not go into a detailed discussion on the issue in this submission.
[2] As the manner of making a decision of rejection of a request is not a subject for this consultation we will not go into a detailed discussion on this issue in this submission.
[3] This sub-section will be taken up for detailed comment after completing the description of the scheme of section 7.
[4] As the procedure for ‘rejection of information requests’ is not a subject for this consultation we will not go into a detailed discussion on this issue in this submission.
[5] As the last two parts in this list are not the subject of this consultation we will not go into a detailed discussion on this issue in this submission.
[6] As provisions other than those relating to fees are not the subject of this consultation we will not go into a detailed discussion on this issue in this submission.
[7] The first amendment incorporated in the RTI-RFCR increased the time unit chargeable from fifteen minutes to one hour.

कहने में किसका क्या जाता है?

कहने में किसका क्या जाता है?
चुनाव से पहले गुहार लगी है‘सही’ आदमी को ही वोट दोवो अपराधी न हो, यह गौर करो ।गुहार लगी हैकि यह है दुनिया का सबसे बड़ा लोकतंत्रतंत्र न गड़बड़ाएइसलिए बिलों से बाहर निकलोभाई, इस बार जरूर वोट दो।गाने लिखने-बजाने वाले बरसाती मेंढक भी उचक करआ गए हैं बाहरवो गढ़ रहे हैं गीतया फिर चोरी के काम के लिएकर रहे हैं गानों की चोरीपक्ष के लिए, विपक्ष के लिए, बीच वालों के लिए भी।सज रही है विज्ञापनों की मंडीपोस्टरों के बाजार में गोरपेन की क्रीम-सा निखारलगता है कल रात ही पैदा हो गयाकमाई की फसल काटने लगे हैंतिकड़मी पत्रकार भी।लेकिन जनता बेचारी क्या करेइतने जोकरों के बीचकैसे तय करेकौनसा जोकर उसके लिए ठीक रहेगाकौन है ‘सही’।कह देना आसान हैदेना वोट ‘सही’ आदमी कोलेकिन असल सवाल तो‘सही’ और ‘आदमी’ के बीच ही टंगा हैक्योंकि आदमखोरों की इस बस्ती मेंन ‘सही’ दिखते हैंन ‘आदमी’फिर किसे दिया जाए वोट?

THE CONDUCT OF ELECTIONS RULES, 1961

If you think that I can’t vote because any candidate is not suitable in my view, all are corrupt, any one are either NAAGNATH or SAANPNATH। If you think what could be change to my vote। THAN think you single vote can be changing our present political scenario…
Please go and cast your vote
……… if u thinks no one is able to take your vote
Than after choose section 49-O of the Conduct of Election rules, 1961

THE CONDUCT OF ELECTIONS RULES, 1961
49-O. Elector deciding not to vote.-If an elector, after his electoral roll number has been duly entered in the register of voters in Form-17A and has put his signature or thumb impression thereon as required under sub-rule (1) of rule 49L, decided not to record his vote, a remark to this effect shall be made against the said entry in Form 17A by the presiding officer and the signature or thumb impression of the elector shall be obtained against such remark.

49L. Procedure for voting by voting machines.-(1) before permitting an elector to vote, the polling officer shall-

(a) Record the electoral roll number of the elector as entered in the marked copy of the electoral roll in a register of voters in Form 17A.

(b) Obtain the signature or the thumb impression of the elector on the said register of votes; and

(c) Mark the name of the elector in the marked copy of the electoral roll to indicate that he has been allowed to vote:

Provided that no elector shall be allowed to vote unless he has his signature or thumb impression on the register of voters.

War clouds over the Election Commission

War clouds over the Election Commission

"Politics is the ideal of the kshatriya, and the morality of the kshatriya ought to govern our political actions", wrote Aurobindo in 'The morality of Boycott', the last article in his masterly and unparalleled exposition on Passive Resistance in April 1907. The BJP leadership would do well to sit up and pay heed to these words. The Chief Election Commissioner, by asking the President to remove Navin Chawla as Election Commissioner has stuck his neck out for the health of this country's democracy; and every one of those legal and constitutional experts and the usual mandarins in the media castigating the CEC for making this recommendation, are without exception, those with highly remunerative careers drawing sustenance from the politics of minority-ism. People who care about the country and its high democratic institutions should not permit the CEC's courage in putting a spanner in Congress and Chawla's works to become futile and fruitless. This is the time to stand up and break the polite silence over the growing trend to defile and corrupt high institutions where an undeserving candidate's loyalty to this family and the individual tilts the balance at the time of appointment. "Those who don't appoint the Election Commissioner can't remove him", said Kapil Sibal and a truer word hath not been said. There is no UPA, much less a Congress; there is only Sonia Gandhi. She hand-picked the Prime Minister, the NSA, the incumbents to two of the country's most sensitive constitutional posts including the Rashtrapati Bhavan and the two Election Commissioners who have triggered the crisis by planting a constitutional IED inside Nirvachan Sadan. Each and every one of them personally, or someone in the family is a Sonia Gandhi (family) loyalist/close friend. If anyone can remove Navin Chawla, only Sonia Gandhi can. Constitutional experts agree that the last call on the issue can be taken only by the President of India. Not that the President of India can act independently; he/she can ask the CEC to remove an Election Commissioner only if the Cabinet so advises the President. This brings us back to the core theme of this column - when an extra-constitutiona l authority appoints undeserving candidates to high constitutional positions for reasons other than merit, then no person so appointed and who owes his/her ascent to Sonia Gandhi is going to make any move to remove another Sonia Gandhi loyalist. That is the truth about the state of this country's democracy. But will she? Sonia Gandhi, a practicing Christian, breezed into Tirupathi, bypassing the established, mandatory custom of signing the register by non-Hindus who desire to seek darshan of the Bhagwan. If the lady can offer short shrift to the presiding deity of Tirupathi, she can dare anything.If we cut out the verbiage casting aspersions on Gopalswamy Iyengar's character and professional integrity and ignore the hot air ranting of our experts and mandarins, the core submissions of the vendors of politics of minority-ism, including the Law Minister HL Bharadwaj are - 1.. The 'C' in the CEC is only ornamental and not substantive 2.. The CEC cannot recommend, suo motu or otherwise, the removal of any other EC 3.. Navin Chawla will succeed Gopalswamy Iyengar as CECFali Nariman, the jurist who our vendors love to quote on just such an occasion, on the other hand, makes the customary genuflection to his political ideology but nevertheless makes the following core submissions - 1.. The issue falls in a constitutional "grey area" because the constitution is not clear about whether the CEC has suo motu powers to recommend the removal of an Election Commissioner 2.. But to his mind (which is not relevant at all) the CEC has no suo motu power 3.. The Supreme Court had left the issue wide open two years ago when the issue first came up before it 4.. Navin Chawla has no 'right' to automatically ascend to post of CEC. That the senior-most person has been promoted to the post is only government practice and not a matter of law or ConstitutionHad Fali Nariman summoned the courage and taken his argument further in national interest, he would have said that the Chief Justice of India too ascends to his post, no matter how undeserving he or she may be, only because he happens to be the senior-most in the assembly line. The ascent has nothing to do with merit and his appointment is more a matter of practice than a point of law or Constitution. Noted political commentator BS Raghavan (retd.) senior bureaucrat from the Union Home Ministry has made startling revelations about Navin Chawla's extremely dubious antecedents. Excerpts from Shri Raghavan's damning disclosure about Navin Chawla's disreputable past deserve to be quoted at length - "I can boldly assert that I am the only living former civil servant who, as a Member-Secretary of the high power Committee to advise follow-up action on the report of the Emergency Excesses Inquiry Commission chaired by the former Supreme Court Chief Justice, J.C.Shah, had dealt with every aspect of the Commission's indictment of Mr. Navin Chawla, who is currently in the news for the wrong reasons. As part of our mandate, even though Justice Shah himself was an eminent jurist with thoroughness as his forte, in order to make assurance doubly sure, we went into his entire report with great objectivity and an open mind to convince ourselves that his findings were duly substantiated by oral and documentary evidence.At the time of the Emergency of 1975-77, Mr. Navin Chawla was Private Secretary to the Lieutenant Governor of Delhi, Kishan Chand (who later committed suicide unable to bear the 'humiliation' following the adverse finding about him in the Shah Commission's report). According to Justice Shah, Mr. Chawla, along with his cohorts in the police at the time, "exercised enormous powers during the emergency because they had easy access to the then Prime Minister's house. Their approach to the problems of the period relating to the citizens was authoritarian and callous. They grossly misused their position and abused their powers in cynical disregard of the welfare of the citizens, and in the process rendered themselves unfit to hold any public office which demands an attitude of fair play and consideration for others. In their relish for power, they completely subverted the normal channels of command and administrative procedures.' ' Shocking material! Mr. Chawla was also found to have exercised 'extra statutory control in jail matters', including 'the treatment of detenues'. Not confining himself to dictating to his boss as to the persons to be arrested, he also prescribed how they were to be treated in prison. For instance, he was for constructing special cells with asbestos roofs to "bake" certain prisoners. Kishan Chand pathetically admitted to Justice Shah that he was not a free agent and Mr. Chawla used to receive instructions directly from Sanjay Gandhi and he (Kishan Chand) came into the picture only to the extent that he was required to fulfill some technical formalities. The L. P.. Singh Committee had no doubt that the shocking material contained in the Shah Commission's report indeed made Mr. Chawla unfit to hold any public office and that he deserved to be summarily dismissed from service without any further inquiry or proceedings, invoking the special powers under provisos (b) and (c) of Article 311 of the Constitution. This precisely was the fate Mr. Chawla would have met with but for the fall of the Janata Government and return of Indira Gandhi to power resulting in the restoration to coveted posts with a vengeance of all those indicted by Justice Shah. Appointing a person with such a background to the Election Commission which is the fountainhead of all other institutions of democracy was itself a brazen defiance of norms of accountability and decencies of public life. This is quite apart from the allegations of bounties received from the Congress Government in Rajasthan and a number of Congress MPs.by the Jaipur-based Lala Chaman Lal Education Trust established by Mr. Chawla and his wife, and the unsavoury speculation engendered by the Government of Italy conferring on him the Mazzini award in March 2005 'in recognition of his efforts to forge a new relationship with Italy and strengthening existing bonds'". (End quote) Now the last is significant for two reasons. The first which tickles my curiosity - how did the UPA government which quakes in fear of Savarkar and his legacy permit their minion to receive the Government of Italy award given in the name of Mazzini, Savarkar's hero? And second, "his efforts to forge a new relationship with Italy" is euphemism for being a committed Sonia Gandhi loyalist and family doormat. This penchant by US and Europe to give awards to anti-Hindu activists is becoming more brazen by the day. This penchant includes Magsaysay awards, sundry Peace Prizes including the Nobel Peace Prize, Human rights awards, and now more recently, the American Library of Congress Kluge Prize for Arun Shourie's 'eminent' historian, Romilla Thapar. Now read this together with the Chief Justice of India KG Balakrishnan berating the Orissa government for inaction in the fake rape of the nun case because he was "receiving innumerable calls from abroad", and we have impermissible interference by and intrusive interest of foreign governments in India's internal matters. A man who has been indicted for gross human rights abuse during Emergency, a man who was profiteering from an NGO run by his wife, a man who 'persuaded' MPs to part with their MPLAD funds to oil his wife's NGO, and a man who has been publicly held unfit to hold any public office is elevated by Sonia Gandhi as Election Commisioner with a view to delivering him at the end of the assembly line as CEC at the time of the next Lok Sabha elections. This and only this is the issue. The BJP cannot be making polite constitutional noises on Advani's blog nor send nincompoops into TV newsrooms on the issue. Politics is the work of kshatriyas, as Aurobindo pointed out. We need warriors in the BJP who will un-sheath their daggers to fight this no-holds-barred war. The ultimate objective of a political party is to win elections and become the ruling party. If the process is turned into a war, then winning the elections becomes the objective of the war. Noble souls, living by dharma, including kshatriyas enter the battlefield to wage war dharmically. But the true kshatriya, in this case, the BJP must realise that their war strategy is determined by the enemy. If the enemy enters the battlefield determined to win the war at any cost, including playing foul and dirty, then the kshatriya has to change his tactics and fight the enemy effectively to defeat him. Justice and righteousness are the atmosphere of political morality; but the justice and righteousness of a fighter, not of the priest. Aggression is unjust only when unprovoked; violence, unrighteous when used wantonly for unrighteous ends. It is a barren philosophy which applies a mechanical rule to all actions, or takes a word and tries to fit all human life into it. The sword of the warrior is as necessary to the fulfillment of justice and righteousness as the holiness of the saint. Ramdas is not complete without Shivaji. To maintain justice and prevent the strong from despoiling, and the weak from being oppressed, is the function for which the kshatriya is created. 'Therefore', says Srikrishna in the Mahabharata, 'God created battle and armour, the sword, the bow and the dagger'. This is Aurobindo again, in The Morality of Boycott. There is a growing feeling in the Hindu community that the BJP has lost the spirit of the kshatriya which defined the party once. The BJP must get into, not the election mode but the war mode. These elections, which the UPA, by playing dirty has converted into a war, must be fought by the BJP as war. Its greatest inspiration at this time can only be the young and angry Congressman, Aurobindo.